• October 16, 2009 •
It is obvious to find that the North American media is being monopolized by companies serving commercial interests and crowding out critics. Canada has the highest media concentration in the world. The same company that owns telecommunications now owns TV and radio, and they have also acquired many smaller local media scattered throughout the country.
CanWest’s recent bankruptcy protection application (actually a media alliance between CanWest and Goldman Sachs, which resulted in the takeover of Alliance Atlantis) may be the beginning of another phase of the concentration and centralization of communications and media capital. Canada. It may also further promote the weakening of the state's ability to monitor media monopolies.
This is consistent with neoliberal capitalism.
Since the mid-1970s, there has been a neoliberal paradigm shift in Canadian media policy discussions. Policy makers moved from a clear public interest perspective to Canadian radio, television, and film production, while policy makers accepted a view that emphasized cold money and media as an industry production culture. Like almost all other public goods, culture has also been subject to market demand. It is no longer considered part of Canada's "whole way of life", but a bunch of media products produced by paid cultural workers of media companies. As a 2007 report commissioned by the Department of Heritage, the Canadian Conference Committee, entitled
It declared: "The cultural sector helps promote economic development." In 2007, the Canadian cultural industry directly contributed about 84.6 billion Canadian dollars, or 7.4%, to Canada's gross domestic product (GDP). As a cultural commodity, the production of Canadian culture obviously employs more than 500,000 workers and adds a total of 1.1 million jobs to related departments. In Canada, culture is an industry still supported by the state. James Moore, the recently appointed Conservative Heritage Minister, said: “Our government stimulates the economy by investing in specific areas including culture and art.”
The Canadian government sees culture as a huge media industry and a tool for national integration. The Canadian government protects and promotes the development of Canadian media companies through policies and regulations designed to promote and legalize capital accumulation. The Canadian Broadcasting Act (1968 and 1991) restricted foreign capitalists’ control of Canadian media and promoted Canadian media content. The Broadcasting Act of 1991 stipulated that 80% of Canadian radio and television stations should be effectively owned and operated by Canadians, Canadian companies must disseminate media (news and entertainment) produced by Canadian workers, and the media should represent Canada’s multicultural identity . The Canadian Radio, Television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) established by Parliament in 1968 regulates radio, television and cable companies. The purpose of the CRTC is: "For the public interest, to maintain a delicate balance between the cultural, social and economic goals of broadcasting and telecommunications regulations." As long as Canadian media owners comply with certain CRTC Canadian content quota requirements (35 of the songs played on the radio) % Must be "Canadians"; 50%-60% of the songs in the TV programs arranged by the network must be "Canadians") and provide a percentage of the income received to support the development of Canadian media, they have obtained the use of our public radio Monopoly license. If the regulations are violated, CRTC can impose a fine or refuse to renew the license.
The Canadian government supports the interests of Canadian film and television companies, newspaper companies, and magazine and book publishing companies. The Canadian Department of Heritage and its subsidiaries provide companies with start-up capital and tax incentives. The National Film Commission "produces and distributes unique, culturally diverse, challenging and relevant audiovisual works, providing a unique Canadian perspective for Canada and the world." The TV and film company is "committed to developing and promoting the Canadian audiovisual industry" and "to The private sector provides strategic leverage to provide financial and strategic support to the film, television and new media industries." The Arts Council of Canada manages cultural grants to various media companies and small cultural producers. The company’s tax credits promote the production of Canadian media. The Canadian film or video production tax credit provides eligible Canadian media companies with a tax credit of up to 12% of the reimbursable production costs. According to the "Income Tax Act", Canadian advertising companies can require that 75% of periodicals in Canada and 80% of Canadians own 80% of advertising costs on TV stations.
Canadian media capitalists and policy makers have not yet developed a media system composed of diversified public interest media or vibrant national cultures. Due to the combination of capitalist strategies and neoliberal national policies, a globalized media oligopoly with technological integration and high concentration has emerged.
Canada’s national cultural authority-CRTC and the Department of Heritage-has long balanced its commitment to "public interest" and "national culture" with its overall role as the Common Affairs Committee for the management of the Canadian media bourgeoisie. The state provides an overall legal and regulatory framework for capitalist accumulation. It is expected that the media and the cultural bourgeoisie will produce media products that can spread nationalism and increase gross domestic product (GDP). This is both the source of national legitimacy and expansion The source of reproduction. There was a time when the bourgeoisie had to comply with state regulatory requirements. This is mainly due to the fact that the bourgeoisie is weak. The start-up Canadian media companies position themselves as defenders and protectors of the public interest and Canadian culture. They lobby the country to protect them from the takeover of the US imperialist media. This is what it does.
Thanks to the strong financial support and protection of the Canadian government over the years, Canadian media companies have become larger and stronger. Once they gained the confidence to compete as a monopoly internationally, Canadian media companies began to resist the state’s public interest directives and cultural nationalist regulations (while still requiring the state to provide subsidies and protections). Since the mid-1970s, the Canadian media bourgeoisie has been working hard to break public interest and cultural nationalist regulations while maintaining a complex government support system. The role of media companies in a capitalist society is to maximize profits on behalf of wealthy shareholders. The pursuit of profit requires conspiracy and overrides the public interest and cultural nationalist regulations. Media companies despise public interest regulations, and CRTC enforces quotas for canned content.
However, the media company has not yet abandoned the state or its regulatory agency. One of the biggest myths of media globalization is the inherent conflict between sovereign states and media companies. This perpetuates the simplistic neoliberal thinking about the separation of capitalist economics and politics. It prevents us from performing more complex materialistic analysis. Media companies need status. Media owners want a strong state and a strong form of regulation to promote and legitimize their interests. Media owners want regulations that suit their interests; they criticize regulations that undermine their interests. Currently, media owners hope to have a country whose ultimate regulatory goal and function is to promote and legalize domestic and international profits. Media companies have proposed a new regulatory system aimed at freeing them from their existing obligations of "public interest" and "cultural nationalism" while maintaining the subsidy system. They want to use public resources without complying with public regulations. The new regulatory system promoted by the bourgeoisie is called
– The purest ideological expression of class power in the media system.
Neoliberalism originated in the United States-the center of global media capitalism. Since the early 1980s, U.S. imperialism has been working to universalize neoliberalism on behalf of multinational media companies headquartered in its territory. The neoliberal media policy of the United States has been summarized as the media policy of many nation-states in the world system. The global neoliberal media policy has promoted the integration of technology, the acceleration of the cross-border flow of commodity information and media, and the takeover of many local and state-owned telecommunications and broadcasting companies. The world’s neoliberal media order reflects the interest of US global media companies in penetrating the local media market and the interest of local media companies in penetrating the global media market. Although the United States actively promotes neoliberalism, this ruling class policy has been accepted locally by Canadian media elites. In Canada, neoliberal media policies have five consequences:
Robert McChesney argued that “American media owners have an enviable position. The media they own can provide the public with any media political coverage. Generally speaking, this means that news media avoid Media structure for any discussion.” In Canada, this is not the case. Canadian media companies report on media issues, but they deal with issues in a way that makes neoliberal media policies “common sense”. Media companies try to dominate public discussions about media structure and policies. They attacked the public policies and regulations that promoted their initial power. Their control of social media enables them to advocate views that support neoliberal ideology, while ignoring public views that do not support this view.
Media executives and managers use the newspapers they control to present neoliberal arguments to the public. Pierre Karl Peladeau, Quebec's president and chief executive officer, told CRTC at a recent panel meeting in Quebec: "Now is the time to deregulate the broadcasting system." He continued. "Competition can improve quality and contribute to Canadian broadcasting." Leonard Asper, President and CEO of CanWest Global Communications, said: "The Canadian TV system is the best in the world." This is the best, because "Canada People provide unparalleled choice and diversity." Asper said, CanWest Global is "determined to maintain this diversity and realize choice for Canadian consumers." CTVglobemedia President and CEO Ivan Fecan said: "We [at CTVglobemedia] embrace In the future." "We look forward to working with the CRTC to re-adjust the regulatory framework to preserve the actual choices of Canadian consumers." Re-adjusting the regulatory framework means re-regulating the media system on behalf of corporate interests.
The seemingly professional journalists represent their owners and spread neoliberal ideology through news editorials. Neoconservative cultural warrior Andrew Coyne (Andrew Coyne)
, Has consistently promoted neoliberal media reform. In 2004, Coyne described the CRTC bureaucrats as sharing a "totalitarian mentality" because they did not renew CHOI-FM's broadcasting license. In 2005, Coyne argued that private pay-per-view cable TV channels have made CBC obsolete: "[CBC] may be needed once, but it is no longer needed now, no longer than when it did not exist. It's more obvious." On September 12, 2006, Coyne called for the termination of CRTC in a speech delivered by the Fraser Institute. Media regulation is seen as a top-down and elitist taste process that offends bottom-up consumer demand. in 2009
Coyne believes that the cancellation of CRTC Canadian content quotas and market liberalization will save the Canadian television network.
Media owners and reporters deny the openness of the media. They try to represent today's neoliberal and capitalist emergency, and change the meaning of the Canadian media system by rewriting public opinion and national policies. CTV CEO Ivan Fecan said: "If we cannot make money, we have no reason to survive. If we use our best business judgment and we are certain that some of our [media] services will never make money, then we must exist. Services." Media owners have established their consent to democratic control of the media by promoting a free market and describing their desire to meet the needs of individual consumers. Their remarks democratized the Canadian media into a branded media product. For them, the media is not something we collectively participate in or create, but something we must buy "on demand" every day.
However, this statement is absurd. The currently organized Canadian media has little to do with free markets and democracy. It is an elite complex of CEOs, corporate lobbyists and state bureaucrats. The state’s media policy and regulatory structure are influenced by media lobbyists. Corporate lobbyists try to embed and consolidate the neoliberal regulatory framework within the country. They want the state to legalize the media and effectively promote its deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and denationalization. The Canadian Broadcasting Association (CAB) is the main lobbying entity for Canadian media owners. It represents the vast majority of the Canadian programming industry, including private radio and television stations, professional, pay and pay-per-view services. CAB is the voice of Canadian media. According to its mission statement, the purpose of CAB is: "to act as the eyes and ears of the private broadcasting industry, to conduct propaganda and lobbying on its behalf, and to act as the center of action on issues of common concern."
Under the influence of lobbyists, Canada’s national decision-making bodies and bureaucracies endow the media owners with public legitimacy for their class interests. They coordinate and mediate cooperation and conflicts within capitalism within the Canadian media system. Although still claiming to formulate policies on behalf of the Canadian people, the state increasingly serves the special class interests of media owners. The Canadian government prioritizes corporate interests over working class interests. Cultural nationalism and public interest have equated
The class interests of the Canadian bourgeoisie. The public interest of the media (the interest of many people) has been expressed as the interest of capitalist accumulation (the interest of a few people). The CRTC and the Ministry of Heritage have implemented neoliberal policies, usually without the consent of the public they are authorized to serve. At the 2006 Ottawa Radio and Television Conference, former Conservative Heritage Minister Bev Oda told media executives: "I am with you. I am one of you." National Executive of Canada There is a revolving door between the cultural committee and the media industry board. This symbiotic complex supports medium concentration.
In much of Canada’s recent media history, CRTC regulations have restricted cross-ownership of the media. But media owners lobbied the Canadian government to fundamentally change CRTC's rules governing cross-ownership of media. The deregulation of ownership restrictions occurred gradually in the 1980s, but accelerated throughout the 1990s. CRTC began to allow large Canadian media companies to own multiple TV stations in large cities. In 1996 (the year the United States passed the neoliberal telecommunications bill), the CRTC overturned regulations that prohibited broadcast, newspaper, and telecommunications company owners from merging businesses. As a result, the already large national media groups have grown. They acquired and merged TV broadcasting networks, newspaper chains and telecommunications providers.
In 2000, CanWest Global spent US$3.5 billion to acquire Western National International Communications and Southam newspaper chains. The chain was previously owned by criminal capitalist Conrad Black (Conrad Black) and now controls the largest newspaper in Canada's major cities. Under the leadership of CanWest, Bell Canada took over CTV,
. Quebec subsequently controlled the Videoe Group. In June 2006, CTVglobemedia acquired CHUM, adding 33 radio stations, 12 local TV stations and 21 professional channels of CHUM to the company. Alliance Atlantis became part of CanWest Global, and Quebecor took over the Osprey media chain.
The buzzword used to popularize these mergers is "fusion." The promotion of convergence by media companies is a technical response to the new information economy and new media environment. They promised to provide Canadian consumers with more choices of media content and to access such content through more media platforms than ever before. Convergence is recognized as an exciting new era in which Canadians can actively search and retrieve media content from numerous sources such as the Internet, newspapers, and television broadcasts. Integration is also expressed as an act of good faith, which will ensure and protect Canada’s “cultural sovereignty”. Or at least this is what the media owner claims. Ted Rogers said: "Is it me or Disney."
Media owners say this will protect and promote our "cultural sovereignty", thereby persuading Canadians to agree to media integration. If we do not support Canadian media integration, then our culture is likely to be taken over by American media companies. Despite appearing across the country, media owners in the United States and Canada still hope and ultimately get the same thing: power and profit. By controlling every link in the media commodity chain-from content development to distribution-media companies can target target audiences through all-weather multimedia brand synergy, thereby maximizing revenue. The "deregulation" of the CRTC's cross-control of ownership is a form of re-regulation of capitalist interests.
Due to the implementation of neoliberal policies, some Canadian companies now control the production, distribution and promotion of most media: Internet and telephone services, television networks, television stations, cable channels, radio and television stations, newspaper publishing and distribution chains and magazines . The true diversity of sources in the media has been destroyed. The emergence of more media options confuses fewer sources of communication. The ruling Conservative Party does not seem to mind. Former Conservative Heritage Minister Bev Oda said: “The government recognizes that integration has become a basic business strategy for media organizations to stay competitive in a highly competitive and diversified market.” Canada regards “national competitiveness” In the name, it has become one of the most concentrated and technologically integrated media systems in the world. Over 84% of Canadian media is owned by eight media companies, which are controlled by several ruling-class families (
The main media companies include: CanWest, CTVglobemedia and Quebecor.
(Owned by the Asper family) controls the global TV network and E! , 14 local TV stations and 21 professional channels (including HGTV, History Channel, TVTropolis, Showcase, Food Network, Movie Time, Fox Sports World, BBC Canada; 13 more) daily newspapers (including
(Owned by Woodbridge Co., Ltd., Bell Canada, Teacher Pension and Torstar) is a large multimedia company; it controls the CTV network,
newspaper. CTV also owns 27 TV stations nationwide and is interested in 32 professional channels, including Business News Network, Bravo!, Discovery Channel, MTV, MuchMusic, Star! , The Comedy Network and TSN. CTVglobemedia also owns the CHUM broadcasting division, which operates 34 radio stations, including CHUM FM. Other attributes of CTVglobemedia include Internet site workopolis.com, Maple Leaf Sports and Entertainment (interested in Toronto Maple Leafs, Toronto Raptors and Air Canada Center).
(Owned by the Péladeau family, with a turnover of 9.822 billion Canadian dollars) is one of the largest communications companies in Canada. Its operating subsidiary produces newspapers (Osprey Media Corporation publishes more than 20 daily newspapers and 34 non-daily newspapers, while Sun Media publishes eight city daily newspapers, seven free commuter daily newspapers, nine local daily newspapers and approximately 150 daily newspapers. Week); Cable TV company (Videotron, the largest company in Quebec) and TVA Group (nine English and French channels). Quebecor also owns various intellectual property rights for music, books and videos, and controls businesses in the telecommunications, marketing and Internet sectors.
Canadian telecommunications and cable companies, including Shaw Communications, Rogers Communications and Cogeco Cable, have played an important role in shaping the Canadian media landscape. Corus Entertainment and Astral Media are important radio and television production companies.
Canadian Telecom, headquartered in Calgary, Alberto, Canada (revenues of US$2.4 billion in 2006), is engaged in the sale of merchandise and digital phone, Internet and TV services.
(2008 revenue of 1.95 billion US dollars) is a leading service provider of wireless, cable TV, high-speed Internet and home phone. It has TV networks, such as five city TV stations (five TV stations), OMNI; it broadcasts professional TV channels, including Sportsnet, The Shopping Channel, etc. Rogers Media Broadcasting Corporation controls 45 radio stations; it also publishes dozens of popular magazines, including Maclean's, Canadian Business Châtelaine, FLARE, Hello! , L'actualité, MoneySense and Today's Parent.
(Revenues in 2006 was 746.9 million Canadian dollars) is Canada's last major cable distributor (mainly operating in Quebec and Ontario); it sells analog and digital TV, high-speed Internet and VoIP phone services.
(Revenues of C$768.7 million in 2008) is Canada’s leading specialty television and radio producer; most of it is owned by the company’s founder JR Shaw and his family, who also owns cable operator Shaw Communications. Corus Entertainment controls many TV stations (CHEX-TV, CKWS-TV and CHEX-TV), professional TV channels (CMT Canada Cosmopolitan TV, Discovery Kids, SCREAM, Telelatino, Teletoon, Teletoon Retro, Treehouse TV, YTV, Viva and W Network ), premium pay TV channels (Movie Central and Encore Avenue), TV commercial production services (Corus Custom Networks), more than fifty radio stations (including Q107 Toronto and Country 105 Calgary) and children’s book publishing (Kids Can Press) and animation Production studio (Nelvana).
(In 2008, revenue of 865 million Canadian dollars) is the largest broadcaster in Canada; it owns radio stations in eight provinces and is the main source of quality cable and professional television in Canada (movie network, home, Teletoon, Canal D, etc.) Participant.
Together, these eight companies form a national media oligarch. Each of them knows the behavior of competitors. They compete and cooperate in the Canadian media field, but together dominate the Canadian media landscape. These companies are not only facing the country, but also facing the world. Institutionally, they follow the example of American media companies, co-produce with American companies, and copy the globally popular (American) format. They accumulate excess profits by re-distributing discounted American media content and reducing the size of newsrooms. The neoliberal media policy implemented by the Canadian government on behalf of Canadian media companies has contributed to the increase in media concentration that we see today.
Given the consequences of concentration, it is not surprising that most Canadians do not support concentration. The Canadian country itself has long realized how media concentration threatens Canadian democracy. A 2003 report by the Canadian Heritage Standing Committee entitled "Our Cultural Sovereignty" recommended that the state issue a clear policy statement on cross-media ownership before June 30, 2004. No declaration is implemented. The state continues to promote media concentration. In June 2006, the Senate Standing Committee on Transportation and Communications issued a report in which it said: "In some areas, the concentration of ownership has reached an acceptable level that other countries consider to be very rare." But nothing was done. In 2007, after CanWest Global acquired Alliance Atlantis Communications (which gave US investment bank Goldman Sachs nearly two-thirds of the ownership) and CTV acquired Chum Ltd., driven by media democrats, more than two thousand Canadians demanded CRTC Enforce domestic and foreign ownership rules.
In order to alleviate the growing legality crisis, CRTC announced new ownership regulations in January 2008. But the destruction of Canadian media democracy has already occurred. As Lisa Lareau, President of the Canadian Media Association, said: "The CRTC has maintained an unacceptable level of concentration and has not even taken meaningful measures to stop its deterioration. They admit that anywhere in Canada None of them violated the new regulations, so they admitted that they legalized the status quo."
Canada’s corporatist media system is undemocratic and unrepresentative. The media group knows nothing about social justice in Canada. The ruling parties in the CRTC and Canadian states often fail to challenge the interests of media groups. The 20-year neoliberal media reform initiated by CRTC has led to more re-dissemination of American media content, the closure of local news stations, and over-development.
Media reform and revolution are necessary, but they will not happen after long-term efforts. Media democracy activists, cultural workers within the national capitalist media system, and independent media producers outside the system are developing their capabilities to reimagine policies, question the official line of the ruling class, and challenge the structure and ideology of the system. Within the media system, cultural workers are fighting for increased exploitation. On the receiving end of the media stream, lazy media critics are no longer content to mock the ideology of mass entertainment. Independent sources that are not affiliated with the state capitalist media system produce more media than ever before.
1. Support the struggle of Canadian cultural and media workers. The media bourgeoisie exploited Canadian media workers. The Canadian Media Association and the Communications, Energy and Clerical Workers Union represent Canadian media workers. These unions remain isolated from the socialist movement to rebuild Canada. Socialists need to participate in these unions, understand their struggles and provide support.
In the absence of diversified workers, activists, and citizens to democratically control the Canadian state, Canada’s media policy and the regulatory agencies that formulate the policy are nothing but places where different sectors of media capital compete for territory. Fight for more control. The bourgeois media invest time and resources to maintain a neoliberal regulatory system that benefits its interests. It is time for Canadians to challenge this regulatory order and demand the democratization of media policies. When CRTC succumbed to the demands of media owners and closed public broadcasting, radical organizations seeking to challenge capitalist ideologies must fight it! Democratic Media Movement (
) Advocate the reform of the media system and support alternative, community and activist media. The movement lacks a Marxist analysis of the media, but it still provides an important analysis of the Canadian media and coordinated the social struggle to democratize it.
Become a credible, relevant, popular and widely cited socialist public intellectual mentioned by activists and mainstream media experts. There are some public media intellectuals on the left, but we need more intellectuals. Who dares to surpass the taste-makers of the ruling class in front of millions of people? Neoliberal and neoconservative experts work in-house and are distributed from think tanks to the media daily. Who do we have? May 1, 2009,
. Panitch conveyed the socialist message in a clear, convincing and persuasive way. Even Paikin seems to believe in its advantages. On October 8, 2009, David McNally (David McNally) debunked Jonathan Kay's neoliberal ideology in a press release.
In Michael Moore's latest movie. I want to see more socialist intellectuals on TV screens and newspapers. List "experts" in certain disciplines (of course, all from social movements). Send these lists to TV networks and newsrooms. Media companies want free content and commentators to fill time and space. Establish cadres of public media intellectuals. Send them to the media to challenge neoliberals.
Use new media tools (digital cameras, camcorders, computer software, the Internet, websites, Youtube, Googlevideo) to produce and distribute socialist analysis and news. Build a community of media producers. Record and promote the thoughts of human rights defenders. Every meeting in the activist community is an opportunity to meet other activists and record their thoughts and struggles. Follow a specific "question/answer" template so that non-professionals can see the message. Is there any question why this question is important? What measures should or are being taken to change this situation? What struggle is forming around this issue? what is
What are you doing? How does the ruling class respond to this struggle? What is the next step in this strategy? Where do we go from here? Promote and promote the interview. Publish video clips on YouTube. Spread the interview on international networks and Listserve. Send the clips to all major networks and ask them to interview you or other radicals.
In the past, media broadcasting was one-way. The information is generated by the main sender/source (corporate media network) and distributed to a wide audience. Rights defenders have no opportunity to spread a quick response to the company’s network and attract the public. New media and the Internet have changed this paradigm. Produce media content and disseminate this content to a wide audience. The interactivity and immediacy of new media provide us with real-time response, the ability to propose opposition and debunk the worldview expressed by the company's media opinion makers. Instead of waiting for two months to publish a printed article or review it, use new media to immediately respond to a specific expert or question, and then publish this response on the Web. Thousands of people are already using webcams and YouTube. In addition, bring a camcorder to the presentation. Record your experience. Put the police under surveillance. The video clips of the presentation are sent via email to the media network, which now relies on user-generated media content. You may also conduct "adversarial public relations" with intellectuals. Participate in neoliberal and neoconservative meetings with comrades. Bring the camera. Create a media event. Openly criticize neoliberal experts; clarify the class interests they serve. Publish it.
There is no shortage of knowledgeable books and lengthy journal articles on the left, which document the disaster of capitalism with facts, excellent prose, and solid reasons. Most of the academic works of leftist radicals are read by privileged classes who have accumulated "cultural capital" (being "knowed", understanding the meaning of keywords, university-level radical theories). Before starting my Master of Arts, I didn't know what "neoliberalism" was. Continue to produce academic works by human rights scholars. However, activist glasses media may be a more effective way to spread ideas. Gramsci understood the importance of popular culture for the ruling class and socialist hegemony. Fast and interesting socialist information may attract more people. Create emotional messages with images and music to stimulate the senses. The logic of privilege, the tendency to tell the truth and calm rationality must continue; but feeling, humor and emotion are equally important to cultural struggles.
There are many ways to challenge the hegemony of the ruling class and its media. We can contend with existing media and new media and work through them. The media is a contradictory institution. The media is a method of capitalist production, and is the domain of hegemony and anti-hegemony struggles.
Know this and strive to bridge the gap between anti-capitalist media theory and action. We can too.
In Canada, there is an urgent need for a vibrant and radical media democracy movement. The main force here is a beginning. The main forces here are mainly represented by the Canadian Council, the Canadian Media Association, the Federation of Communications, Energy and Clerical Workers, and the Democratic Media Movement. However, all these forces remain isolated from the socialist movement to rebuild Canada, and the socialist movement in Canada is the only realistic basis for democratic media. •
Tanner Mirrlees is an award-winning teacher and an important political economy for communication scholars. he is"
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